It began in 1982, when Congress and the Reagan administration deregulated savings and loan banks, allowing them to engage in risky commercial lending while continuing to guarantee them against major losses. Not surprisingly, the banks got into big trouble, necessitating a taxpayer-funded bailout.
The coup de grace came in 2004, when George W. Bush’s Securities and Exchange Commission allowed investment banks to hold less capital in reserve.
All of this ushered in the 2008 near-meltdown — which was followed by another attempt to impose safeguards, the Dodd-Frank Act of 2010.
And now? The Street’s political clout is as great as ever, which explains why the Dodd-Frank safeguards are now being watered down, clearing the way for another crisis.
The second lesson we should have learned but didn’t is how widening inequality makes our economy susceptible to financial disaster.
In the decades leading up to 2008, stagnant wages caused many Americans to go deep into debt — and they used the rising values of their homes as collateral. Much the same thing had happened in the years leading up to 1929.
Wall Street banks were delighted to accommodate — lending willy-nilly and often in predatory ways — until the housing and debt bubbles burst.
The third big lesson we didn’t learn concerned the rigging of American politics. After the crisis, many Americans realized that Wall Street, big corporations and the wealthy had essentially bought up our democracy.
Americans saw the Street get bailed out while homeowners, suddenly owing more on their homes than the homes were worth, got little or nothing.
Millions lost their jobs, savings, pensions and homes, but the bankers and big investors came out richer than before.
Bankers who committed serious fraud escaped accountability. No executive went to jail. Big banks such as Wells Fargo continued to break laws with impunity.
Widespread outrage at all this fueled the tea party on the right and the brief “Occupy” movement on the left. Both eventually morphed into the two anti-establishment candidacies of 2016 — authoritarian populist Donald Trump and democratic populist Bernie Sanders.
And now? Anti-establishment fury remains the strongest force in American politics.
Trump has been using it to conjure up racist and xenophobic conspiracies and to create the most authoritarian regime in modern American history. He promised to “drain the swamp” but has made it bigger and filthier.
Sad to say, 10 years after the near-meltdown of Wall Street, we seem to have learned very little. Only worse: We now have Trump.
Writes for Tribune Content Agency.